The Sudan is a vast and varied country containing within its boundaries a microcosm of Africa's prmises and problems the special problems of southern Africa. The inability of independent Sudan to achieve national integration is therefore a matter of concern to all those African countries beset with similar unreconciled differences. From the termination of the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium at the end of 1955 until the negotiation of a ceasefire in 1972, the major obstacle to the achievement of national integration was a war between the North and the three southernmost provinces. This war was symptomatic of the most profound problem the Sudan has had to deal with in this century, that of North-South relations. From the Red Sea through Chad to Nigeria the difficulty of encompassing North and South within the structure of an integrated nation has resulted in war. The war in the Sudan was one of the longest and most destructive and may contain historical and political lessons for those African states with significant Muslim and non-Muslim components in their sociopolitical makeup.

     The failure of the Sudan to achieve national integration has generated analytical and scholarly studies which have attempted to identify the causes for failure and to propose solutions. Some of these analysts found the British either wholly or partially at fault, others did not. Most of the African authors do blame the British and the policies enacted and pursued by their Sudan Political Service from

1898 until 1956 [1] reduced by some analysts to two specific aspects of British rule, First, the "Southern Policy," a set of administrative recommendations and procedures contained in a secret memorandum issued in 1930 by the Civil Secretary to British staff service. Second is the fact that education in these province in the hands of Christian missionaries from the Reconquest until the end of World War II. The last Civil Secretary of the Sudan was in office when the war between North and South broke out; he was also the last British Governor General of Nigeria, a country which suffered a similar war after independence. The African analysts may very well have valid reasons for holding the British culpable.

     Long before the coming of the British, racism and religious intolerance had severely limited the contacts between North and South and had tended to brutalize what contacts there were. What this dissertation attempts to determine is whether British Southern Policy and Christian missionary activities in support of that policy brought on the war of 1955-1972 or whether that war was just one more chapter in a long historical process. If the critics of the British are correct and the Southern Policy with mission support were causal factors in the war, then the question of whether this outcome was intentional or unexpected will also be examined. [2]

     The: war has had a retarding, if not chilling, effect on the process of national integration in the independent Sudan. Are the British responsible for this failure to date? A related question raised here but dealt with much later will be whether there was, is,

or ever will be a potential for national integration or whether, as defined below, national integration inherited from the Condominium is impossible. Only one published work addresses itself to the problem of national integration in the Sudan and it fails to provide any useful theoretical framework for analysis since it never discusses national integration as or process but takes the concept as a given and discusses the "problem" without defining its indicators or parameters. [3] The concept of national integration used herein as been influenced by two important theorists: Karl Deutsch, a generalist, nd Daniel Lerner, a regionalist. [4]

     By national integration we mean the process whereby a state or other political arrangement develops into a nation. This requires a progression from the purely structural manifestation of organization, i.e. internationally recognized boundaries, an established system of governance, laws, finances, etc. to the attitudinal aspects of citizenship and social consensus. There is a difference between the concept of state and that of nation, the forner is. a precursor of latter but not all states become nations. In the case of African states becoming nations the most important factor, is the question of consciousness, the achievement of a level of identity within the minds of the citizens that enables them to perceive of themselves as "Sudanese" or "Nigerian" or "Rhodesian" rather than the more specific consciousnes of one's membership in other systems of affiliation. A national consciousness means that, within the internationally recognized boundaries, a citizen will develop a self-image which either transcends, supersedes,

or synthesizes the various local, tribal, ethnic, or religious diversities found in the state. While these diverse and discrete factors may continue to influence the citizen's self-image, he or she will be able to submerge them into the framework of the national identity. The individual citizen acted upon by environmental and political forces, will begin to recognize the commonly shared identity, which defines all the citizens of the state. In the Middle East both Arabic and Islam have proven effective in providing this common identity.

     The role of physical and intellectural communication is important in the achievement of this sense of identity for only with free and open access to all regions and peoples can diversity begin to yield to commonality. The ability of disparate individuals and, groups to see others as fellow-citizens, requires long and peaceful interaction, a sense of empathy must be developed. The existence of empathy for a national identity is difficult to measure, but its absence is more readily recognized and is often manifested in civil strife over conflicting versions of what the national identity will be. In some cases the policies of European colonial regions were designed to impede or block the achievement of common outlook shared by large numbers of the subject peoples. "Divide and Rule" does not seem to have been the intention of the British dominated Condominium government in the Sudan. On the other hand, the British were not involved in any substantive efforts to create or foster a sense of national identity either. What was needed was a political climate conducive to the development of a broader consciousness in all the Sudan's regions

which could have replaced or supplanted the pre-existing group identity held by the inhabitants of these regions. A new identity had to be worked out which retained some of the old historical, cultural, religious, or linguistic traits. A national identity encompassing the diversities of the Sudanese peoples would have been most difficult, especially given the intensely conservative natures of both the Nilotic and Islamic societies. An absolute consensus would have been impossible but mutual respect and a voluntary surrender of past systems of tribal,; linguistic, or regional political systems of affiliations in favor of a wider identity based on shared values, security, pluralism, and equality seems to have been possibl until late in the Condominium period.

     The process of national integration depends on communication to break down isolated regional identities and expose all areas of a colonize area to each other. This develops into a sense of empathy shred by a growing number of inhabitants who begin to see a national identity as a frameowrk within which their strongly-held small-group (tribe, region, etc.) identities can be absorbed. This empathy with the overarching idea of a nation enhances the potential for national integration. The national identity should not demand a complete break with the past; it should not obliterate the essential attributes of any of the; regional social components being Integrated; it should appear to respect the diverse characters of those being integrated; finally it need not be totally acceptable to any one large component but should be oriented toward compromise with the

aim of qualified general acceptance by a sizable majority.

     In Africa this scheme of national integration has not been a common phenomenon. The rush to independence of the African and Asian dominions of the European empires shattered by World War II has tripled U.N. membership in a generation but has been more rapid than rational. Few of the "nations" now existing in the Third World truly meet the criteria established above. The autocratic, one-party models of Nasser, Nkrumah, and Nimeiri, have sought to bypass the step-by-step process described in my "ideal-type" with the goal of achieving a nation based on a unitary, consensus-oriented, and bomogeneous identity. This shortcut approach denies the past, ignores diversity, and sacrifices history to politics. Conservatives, reactionaries, tribal and other minorities must be persuaded or eliminated. [5] The failure of the Sudan to achieve national integration will be considered in the light of the following questions. Was there a general sense of "nation?" What were the obstacles to integration? Were there any factors favoring integration? Now did British policy foster or obstruct national integration? Were the British and their missionary supporters responsible for the civil war which resulted from the failure of national integration?

     Three research techniques have been employed in the collection of data for this dissertation. First of all, the relevant published sources were culled both for original insights bearing on the problem and to discover primary sources consulted in their production. The

most important of these sources were the works of M. O. Beshir and L. Sanderson, listed in the bibliography. Once this had been accomplished, research was undertaken in various archives to get at the primary source documents.

     Three different types of archives were visited. The first were official depositories of government documents, such as the Public Records Office in London and the Central Records Office in Khartoum. Mission archives, such as those of the United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A., located on Pine Street in Philadelphia, the Church Mission society archives located in Salisbury Square, London, and the archives of the Missionari Comboniani (Verona Fathers), located on Via Luigi Lilio in Rome, comprised the second group. The third group of archives are collections held by academic institutions with a special interest in Sudanese history, such as both the Rhodes House Annexe to the Bodleian and the Institute for Commonwealth Studies, located in Oxford, England. There is an extremely valuable Sudan Archive at Durham University in England founded by Richard Hill and holding the private papers of Sir Harold MacMichael. There is also a comprehensive Sudan Collection held by the University of Khartoum, especially useful since it attempts to obtain all doctoral dissertations written on the Sudan.

     The third category of sources is correspondence and interviews. From late 1974 until mid-1977, extensive correspondence was conducted with former missionaries and British pensioners of the Sudan Political Service. From late 1975 until mid-1976 an extensive series of interviews was conducted with surviving Province Governors and District

Commissioners who served in the Southern Sudan during the period covered. Also interviewed were the surviving Civil Secretaries and Directors and Inspectors of Education. Presbyterian, Anglican, and Roman Catholic missionaries were interviewed during this period, notably the surviving Secretaries of Education for both the Church Missionary Society and the Verona Fathers. In March 1976 and throughout the first half of 1977, interviews were conducted with a group of Southern Sudanese who passed through the mission school system. During several of these interviews the respondents volunteered access to their private papers and allowed Xerox copies to be made which have also been employed as sources. All these source threads have been woven together to produce the fabric of the dissertation which follows.

1. M. O. Beshir, The Southern Sudan Background to Conflict (Khartoum: Khartoum University Press, 1970), M. al-Rahim, "The Development of British Policy in the Southern Sudan 1899-1947", (collection of mimeographed documents presented at the Round Table Conference in Juba-, 1965. Copies in Sudan Collection of Khartoum University Library and in Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College, Oxford), L. A. Fabunmi, The Sudan in Anglo-Egyptian Relation (London: Longmans, Green and Co., Ltd., 1960), P. M. Holt, A Modern History of the Sudan (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1961), Richard Gray, A History of the Southern Sudan 1839-1889 (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), and R. O. Collins, The Southern Sudan 1883-1898 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962).
Beshir and al-Rahim are both Northern Sudanese authors with political biases which are a result of their membership in the government-University elite in Khartoum and in the Muslim faith. Fabunmi is a Nigerian and makes no secret of his hostility toward the theory and practice of British Imperialism in Africa. Holt was a member of the Education Department during the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium and has gone on to become the most widely-known expert on the Mahdiyya and modern Sudanese history although he admits to little in-depth knowledge of events in the South. Gray and Collins are both specialists interested respectively in the Egyptian conquest of Southern Sudan (the Turk!yya) and the Mahdiyya in the South. The Sudanese authors, Fabunmi, and Holt all tend to blame the British for the civil war while the two specialists do not address themselves in any specific way to the question.
Of limited use in understanding the debate over who was to blame are: Dunstan Wai, ed. The Southern Sudan: The Problem of National Integration (London: Frank.Cass, 1973), M. O. Beshir, Educational Development in the Sudan 1898-1956 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), and George W. Shepherd, Jr., "National Integration and the Southern Sudan," The Journal of Modern African Studies, IV (1966).
2. M. O. Beshir, Background, pp. 37-6O.

3. Dunstan Wai, ed., Problem, pp. 1-5
4. Karl Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1953) and Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society. Modernizing the Middle East. From Deutsch I have taken the element of communciations and its essential influence on spreading new ideas and breaking town tribal or local differences in favor of a national identity. From Lerner the most useful element has been that of "empathy." The ability of traditional groups and their members to accept new, different, or threatening structural changes In the regional social order as a measure of national over localized identity is a useful contribution from Lerner. The rest of the conceptual framework of "national :integration" as a process used In this dissertation Is the result of my own theorizing.